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Letter professionals, writers, artists Peruvians living abroad will vote for Ollanta Humala Keiko Fujimori

Letter professionals, writers, artists Peruvians living abroad will vote for Ollanta Humala

The signatories, professionals, writers and artists Peruvians living abroad, we headed a truly democratic sectors of our country to express the following:

The current electoral landscape presents a unique setting with two distinct policy options. On the one hand it presents Ms. Keiko Fujimori, backed by a partisan organization, in our opinion, es heredera política directa de una organización criminal que saqueó al país y violentó nuestras libertades durante una década.

Durante el gobierno liderado por Alberto Fujimori y Vladimiro Montesinos –y del cual la señora Fujimori formó parte, en su condición de Primera Dama–, todos los poderes del estado fueron secuestrados y puestos al servicio de la dictadura; se impuso el terrorismo de estado mediante la ejecución de crímenes extrajudiciales; las riquezas del país fueron saqueadas y estuvimos a punto de convertirnos en un narco-estado. Todos estos crímenes son de pleno conocimiento público, han sido investigados y algunos de ellos, sancionados by the judiciary.

Based on these basic considerations, we strongly believe that the candidacy of Mrs. Fujimori is a choice against democracy. It is a journey into the past, not the future.

In contrast, the proposed Earn Peru, led by Ollanta Humala, embodied above all hope. Beyond the doubts and uncertainties generated by some Democrats, the strategic lines of the proposal to result in a fairer and more efficient use of our natural resources, promotion of national industry and the complementary role of the state to encourage true economy market.

For these reasons, we call the candidate Ollanta Humala to dispel the doubts and fears that his candidacy against stoke the extreme right and the mafia fujimontesinista. We also believe that democratic oversight of government management ensures their balance economic growth with the welfare of the majority.

This is the time for a genuine dialogue between all those who did not vote for Ollanta Humala in the first round, but do not want to precipitate a decline in the history of Peruvian democracy.

Accordingly, we will vote and call on all democratic sectors to vote for Ollanta Humala, an independent-minded, critical and open dialogue. We do not want to return to the past. The future awaits us.

Eduardo Gonzalez Viana

writer and professor, Salem,

Isaac Goldemberg

writer and professor, New York

José Antonio Mazzotti

writer and professor, Boston

Eduardo Ruiz Robles, Councilmember

Socialist Galapagar, Spain

Luis Dapelo

Professor Università di Cagliari Italy

Oswaldo de Rivero, Ambassador

, Switzerland

Sousa Jose Manuel Gutierrez,

Writer, Madrid

Poet Elqui Burgos, Paris

Antonio Fernandez Arce Journalist and writer

Beijing, PR China

July

Alarcón Carrera,

MD, Washington DC

Rodolfo Pereira

social communicator, Washington DC

Carlos E. Bernales

journalist and cartoonist New York

Alejandro Sánchez-Aizcorbe

Writer, Marshall, Minnesota

Marcela Valencia Tsuchiya,

Professor, Marshall Minnesota

Roger Santiváñez, Poet, New York

Jorge Cervantes Grundy

Dentist, New York

Jaime Vásquez Quiroz

Artist, New York

Eduardo Gonzalez Cueva

Sociologist, New York

Efrain Diaz Horna

Sociologist and painter , Salem,

Professor Gustavo Fonseca, Salem, United States

Betty Fonseca

Therapist Exceptional Children, Salem,

Juan Raul Tinoco Viduvich

Business Tourism sector, Madrid

Jose Rolando Ramirez Salcedo

Student of Engineering, Salem

José Daniel Ramírez Salcedo,

Medical Student, Salem

Salcedo Juan Carlos Quiroz

Technical Quality Control Salem

Gonzalo Ramirez Quispe

retired businessman, Salem

Betty Salcedo

Technical Quality Control, Salem

Jesus Fonseca

Electronic Engineering, Portland

Ada Fonseca

Therapist Exceptional Children, Portland

Jorge Yeshayahu Gonzales-Lara, Sociologist, CASAC-T

Blog The Peruvian Diaspora-New York

Inviting Celebrities To Events - Letters

buy votes for a bowl of lentils

The Fujimorismo and political welfarism

buy votes to Peruvians

By: Jorge Yeshayahu Gonzales-Lara

In Peru's election votes are bought for a pittance. Populism is the deformation welfare of the public assistance and in Peru created a clear situation of dependence of the individual or groups who receive it, that does not promote the dignity and respect of citizens who are perceived as second class citizens, called on the Peru contemptuously "India's provincial" or "cholos." The person, Simply put, "sell their conscience and dignity" in a comfortable alienating. In the case of Peru political welfarism is used to buy votes and dignity of people living in poverty or extreme poverty and living in social settings that form poverty belts that surround the city of Lima.

This type of populist politics of welfarism has a deep and peculiar racist racism in Peru is that coexist with the mixture. Miscegenation, as an ideology, racism invisible. In Peru racism is embedded in other dimensions such as cultural, economic, political and electoral campaigns. On acceptance of "cholo" influences have purchasing power, highly educated and appear in the mass media. Racism in Peru has generated self-esteem issues. Affecting everyday life, whether it is "cholo" or "black", the individual must exhibit characteristics of status not to be discriminated against, how to use clothing and accessories brand, have a high educational level. Peru currently experiencing a fundamentally racist aesthetic where the moments of happiness are traits represented with people from outside. Today the election campaign is marked by a racism zoterrado welfare using populism to mediate self-esteem and get the vote travez a basket of staple foods. Nothing is more unworthy than the manipulation of hunger, poverty and dignity.

recently confirmed that the candidate for the presidency by force 2011, Keiko buy votes with food. Keiko Fujimori used the "welfare populism" which was used by his father, Alberto Kenya Fujimori, former candidate for the Senate by Japan, and former de facto president of Peru, now in prison. This policy populist welfarism deepens poverty and demeans the human dignity of people living in extreme poverty in Peru and is used as a means to buy the vote of lower-income segments of Peruvian society.

candidate Keiko Sofia Fujmori Force 2011, by his campaign team wants to endorse the preference of the electorate with bags of rice, lentils, sugar and milk cans. The use of this controversial strategy is not new and that the sentenced Alberto Fujimori and controversial presidential advisor Vladimiro Montesinos did during the 90's. Keiko Sofia Fujimori is no stranger to the tactics that occurred during the Fuji-Montesinos dictatorship.

Ordering food collection was done through e-mail sent to supporters oranges, and is presented by Jeannette Wolfenson, sister of James Stone, who was convicted of arms trafficking and associate of Vladimiro Montesinos. Wolfenson presents it as individual initiative, approved and endorsed by the Fujimori clan, which presents itself as the political coletivo that "puts a bit to the destination of Peru."

Harvesting takes place in various homes of the higher social strata of Peruvian society, where food is placed:

2 packages of rice,

2 cans tuna,

1 sugar, 1

beans and

1 package of cookies in a clear bag with the symbol of strength 2011.

Cecilia Matsuda of Japanese origin, commands the political campaign of Keiko handouts, notes that this is an initiative of the supporters, and has the support Fujimori. In Callao, Peru's largest port, the candidate held a rally and then finished speaking that was the draw of appliances and of those grocery bags.

is a common practice within the Fujimori is something ingrained, it said Rosa Castillo, national coordinator of the Mothers Club. Castillo said that before the arrival of Keiko shared some food and biscuits that "the villagers are happier "This practice is equal to that made by former President Alberto Kenya Fujimori and his advisor Vladimiro Montesinos, which used the delivery of food as part of the election campaign and as a means of repression and that if leaders the glasses of milk, National Food Assistance Program, did not attend Fujimori rallies this food aid were withdrawn.

Jeannette Wolfenson Gathering food and dignity of Peruvians.

Jeannette Stone Wolfenson Woloch is the organizer and owner of a residence in San Isidro where the collection is done food following a call by e-mail and social networks like Facebook.

Jeannette Wolfenson is nothing less than the sister of Moses and Alex Wolfenson, the "kings of the tabloids, convicted of embezzlement and sale of the editorial of the newspapers" El Chino "," The Men "and" Reason "for the fujimontesinismo.

Calls to the dignity of the poor

Claudia Mariátegui Moreyra user

Face Book, April 28, 2011 replaced the following message:

"help Peru !!!!! and disseminated outside the mail from your contacts !!!!"

"Dear @ s @ s friend must have received emails like this a thousand times, but Paula is responsible Moreyra with Mariana Moreyra and a group of friends in making baskets for Keiko campaign. I know there are several points of delivery and several proposals. In the end, everything will be for the same goal, "says the message.

"Please girls, help me through her friends also formed a network of contacts and let us get things. You have to win the vote to defeat Ollanta cholos whatever. What a shame that the cholos also have one vote. The Communists must have invented, but if we can not prevent the vote, you must buy it ... Our goal is to make baskets 1.000 on Monday. I count on you! "

then states that the" basket of oranges in buckets will go with "stickers" of Keiko and the following products: 2 cans of milk, 2 cans of tuna, 1 bag of sugar, 1 bag of rice, 1 bag of mixed vegetables, 1 bag of oats. For those who do not want to go buy, the value of the basket is S /. 30. "

"The products we are receiving from home today at Cheli Moreyra: The Cypress 460, San Isidro (height cdra. 9, Jorge Basadre). The ideal is to have everything by Monday, May 2, "writes Claudia Mariátegui.

Command Keiko Fujimori campaign follows the same strategy Fujimorismo election to change the 90 food parcels for votes. This is the liveliest political style welfarism, change votes packages of rice, lentils, sugar and canned milk products due to soaring food prices become luxury goods in the settlements surrounding Lima.

The political welfarism in Peru has become the loss of dignity and the free exercise of the vote. This political practice must be punished and rejected that violates the dignity of citizens. Populism used as a political campaign care and racism imbrincado breaks the transparency of electoral processes.

New York May 08, 2011

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I spilled.

must fuck! What is the fucking life. I was not expecting, not expecting it, but it has happened. More than a year without knowing. More than 6 months it being lost. Pum! Half second and the joy I get. It was hard to think of something else later, until I managed to find again. It's kind of nice warm ghost. And fuck me, fuck me I like, but I like it. I am consoled by the fact that it is more like a platonic love, or fucking it seems to me, I had to stop watching to think about it ... and nothing.

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I think I'm just homesick and are not in the Messenger.

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The Fujimoris: Like father like daughter?

The Fujimoris: Like father like daughter?

By Jo-Marie Burt and Coletta Youngers

Jo-Marie Burt

It's ingenuous to think another Fujimori government would avoid the massive corruption and human rights violations of the Fujimori rule in the '90s, write these two researchers on Latin America.

Originally published in Foreign Policy in Focus

Two polls released this week show Ollanta Humala with a small lead over Keiko Fujimori as the campaign heats up for the second round of voting in Peru’s presidential elections. With more than a month to go before the June 5 vote, it is far too soon to predict the electoral outcome. But one thing is clear: The rest of the campaign will get ugly, as right-wing sectors are very nervous about the impact of a potential Humala victory on their bank accounts.

Most of the mainstream media – with the notable exceptions of the Lima daily, La República, and the weekly magazine, Caretas – is throwing its weight, and electoral coverage, behind Fujimori. Already, several prominent journalists have been fired out of concern that they would not be sufficiently sympathetic to Fujimori and the outspoken Jaime Bayly is going back on the air on Channel 4, presumably as an attack dog targeting Humala. As one Peruvian journalist told us, “we’re going to witness a lot of hysterical accusations in the next few weeks.”

What that press will not likely be covering is the tremendous damage Alberto Fujimori’s presidency wreaked on Peruvian democracy and the widespread human rights violations and massive corruption that prevailed under his rule. Since making it to the second round, Keiko Fujimori has sought to distance herself from the “excesses” that took place during her father’s regime, vowing to respect human rights and democratic practices. Though she started her campaign with a one-point platform – to pardon her father – she now claims that if elected she won’t release him from jail. But she has repeatedly stated that her father was one of the best presidents that Peru ever had; indeed, as the first round of voting approached her campaign ads featured more and more pictures of her with her father.

Having surrounded herself with those that helped him rule during the 1990s (including Vice Presidential candidate and member of Opus Dei, Rafael Rey, as well as Fujimori’s former prime minister, Jaime Yoshiyama), it is ingenuous to think that another Fujimori government would not go down a similar path.

Keiko Fujimori now claims that her father may have had some authoritarian tendencies, but was not responsible for human rights violations. Her memory must be short-lived, as it was only two years ago that the Peruvian Supreme Court found Alberto Fujimori guilty of creating and operating a secret death squad, the Colina Group, that kidnapped and murdered Peruvians during the country’s internal armed conflict. In other words, Fujimori was convicted for having created and maintained the military and political structure that fostered human rights violations in the name of combating terrorism and that sentence was upheld on appeal by a second tribunal of Supreme Court justices. (See our article on the Fujimori verdict at Foreign Policy in Focus.) Moreover, he denied that such violations ever took place and protected those involved through a series of amnesty laws. In short, Keiko Fujimori claims that her father saved Peru from terrorism, but was not responsible for the human rights atrocities that were a fundamental tactic in the counter-terrorism strategy.

In a trial that was widely praised as impartial and respected fully due process guarantees, Alberto Fujimori was convicted and given a 25-year prison sentence for the 1991 Barrios Altos massacre in which 15 people were killed and four gravely wounded; the disappearance and later killing of nine students and a professor from the Cantuta University in 1992; and the kidnappings of journalist Gustavo Gorriti and businessman Samuel Dyer following the April 1992 autogolpe, or self-coup. The first two cases were carried out by the Colina Group, which operated out of the Army Intelligence Service and whose purpose was to eliminate suspected guerrilla sympathizers. But these were not the only atrocities committed by the clandestine death squad. It also carried out a series of assassinations and disappearances that are far too numerous to list here.

The human rights violations carried out under the Fujimori regime went far beyond those committed by the Colina Group. Forced disappearances were disturbingly common. Extrajudicial executions were carried out in peasant communities such as Chumbivilcas, Santa Bárbara and others. And thousands of innocent Peruvians were arbitrarily detained and imprisoned under draconian anti-terrorist legislation. The torture of anyone accused of terrorism was the norm. Fujimori himself was forced to form an ad hoc commission to review cases of los inocentes, the innocent ones, which ultimately led to the release of more than 500 people (and thousands more during the transitional government after Fujimori fled the country).

What allowed the Fujimori regime to get away with such atrocities for so long was that it also undermined the most basic elements of democratic governance, usurping the powers of other branches of government, demolishing the judiciary, rewriting the constitution to its liking, buying off or bribing major media outlets and constantly changing the rules of the game when necessary to consolidate control or perpetuate itself in office. It was only after public outrage reached a boiling point following Fujimori’s ascension to a clearly illegitimate third term in office and the release of videos showing his right-hand man, Vladimiro Montesinos, bribing opposition members of congress to switch party affiliation that the carefully crafted authoritarian regime came crashing down.

Counterpoint

• Humala to lead Peru down the Chavez path? Probably, says analyst.

Before the regime’s demise, however, government officials, including Fujimori and Montesinos, bilked the country for billions of dollars. Fujimori has also been convicted for illicit appropriation of state funds and pled guilty to various counts of corruption. In 2004, Transparency International put Fujimori seventh in a list of the most corrupt former leaders in the world (following Haiti’s Jean-Claude Duvalier) for allegedly have stolen US$600 million. Over 200 individuals associated with his government have been convicted for corruption – and these do not include any cases where an appeal is still pending. In his book, Corrupt Circles: A History of Unbound Graft in Peru, Alfonso W. Quiroz estimates that the average annual cost of corruption during the Fujimori regime ranged from an astounding US$1.4 to 2 billion, at times reaching 50 percent of government expenditures.

As we have reported before, there are well-founded reasons to be concerned about a potential Ollanta Humala presidency. Sound allegations have surfaced of responsibility for human rights violations when he was a military commander in a jungle region during Peru’s brutal civil conflict. Some of his close advisers come from a military background – in a country where the military has not been known for its democratic credentials. And in the past, he has echoed some of Hugo Chavez’s anti-democratic rhetoric, though he has clearly distanced himself from such talk during this campaign. Yet as many people in Peru are now saying, “with Humala there may be uncertainties, but with Fujimori, there is proof.”

Coletta A. Youngers is the Latin America Regional Associate with the International Drug Policy Consortium and a Senior Fellow at the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA). Jo-Marie Burt is an Associate Professor at George Mason University and also a WOLA Senior Fellow

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